News: In the interest of Bhutan democracy

I consider it my duty to offer an explanation to the people on the position of the royal government in respect of the subject of non-attendance of ministers in the ‘question hour’ of the National Council. I am hopeful this will help clear the concerns and doubts surrounding the issue.

We, the members of Parliament (National Council & National Assembly), see ourselves as having been gifted to play a historic role in establishing the roots of a unique Bhutanese democracy. Our two houses fully appreciate the need to work together, even as we must often differ in the spirit and nature of a true democracy.

The non-participation of Ministers in the National Council (NC) question hour, under the present arrangement, is in the larger interest of democracy and in adherence to the spirit and principles of the Constitution. To interpret and publicise this decision as a sign of fear on the part of ministers or as a lack of esteem for NC is to be disrespectful to the ministers and to misinform the people on the intentions of the National Assembly (NA) and the Cabinet.

The position of the royal government was made clear to the NC last year. Following reasons remain valid:
• The Constitution does not require ministers to attend NC question hour sessions. That the Cabinet must report to and be answerable to NC, since it is collectively accountable to parliament, is a flawed argument. The people need to understand the truth that neither NC nor NA by itself constitutes the parliament. Parliament is comprised of three elements and includes His Majesty the King, who is the third and highest. That is why no bill passed by both houses can become an Act unless it receives Royal assent.

• The NC Act does not require a minister to answer questions. Unlike the NA Act, which states very clearly that a minister shall respond in person to questions, section 131 of the NC Act states “an interpellation requires the government (not minister) to present an opinion, either orally or in writing”. Section 136 further states: “questions of national importance shall be listed in category 1 and shall require written answers to be given.” The two Acts were passed in the same session of Parliament and these differences were made to ensure that ministers are not obligated. What the public has not been told is that the ministers have very respectfully submitted their responses to NC in writing.

• What is also not made known is that he Cabinet ministers had decided to go to NC to present personally the government bills as a mark of respect. Lyonpo Zimba, who was half way to the NC to make his presentation on the day of the first question hour, was told not to come by the NC secretariat as they had adjourned because Lyonpo Minjur had not come for question hour. Since then, the ministers have had to cancel such presentations.

All the questions sent to the ministers were very simple and related to development and administrative matters. These included: why ‘Ngenba Guzom’ government holiday had been cancelled; why Gomphu Kora was not under the administration of Trashiyangtse rabdey; human-wildlife conflict; joining of a farm road; bridge for a power tiller track, etc. Such matters are the responsibility of NA MPs, who are bound directly to the voters and belong to the house that forms the government and where the Cabinet sits. It is in the NA that ministers are specifically required by law to answer such questions. In addition, the people always submit their questions directly to NA through the Dzongkhag Tshogdes. One does not see the need to ask similar questions through another house or channel where, in any case, decisions cannot be arrived at, as in NA.

Section 6 of the NC Act states “The NC shall not be bound by voters or interest groups and shall function in a non-partisan manner in their Parliamentary work.” This means that NC is not to entertain direct requests from their constituencies, unlike their political counterpart. Our people need to know that NC members are not their direct representatives. Such questions should be forwarded to NA.

It has been suggested that, as a good will gesture, the ministers should go to the NC question hour. Three good reasons prevent them from doing so:
• Firstly, it would undermine the vital role of NC as a ‘house of review’. When NC intervenes by questioning government ministers on administrative and developmental matters, it influences or alters their actions and becomes an involved party, thereby losing objectivity and its value as a house of review.

• Secondly, it would be wrong for this government to tie future governments to a procedure that would hinder their functioning. Future governments may not be as strong as ours. Imagine Q&A sessions in the NA itself, where the ruling government has just a small majority built out of an unholy alliance among several parties from the primaries. To further subject ministers to questions on anything it does or intends to do in an NC that, in future, could become politically motivated or even inquisitorial, would make government falter.

• Then there is the third reason. It is possible that the parliamentary sessions, in future, will need to be extended beyond the current periods as bills keep piling. Ministers would then be spending their time preparing responses and running between the two houses, fearful of taking decisions with little time for real work. The NC Act states, “Question time ... shall be held such number of times...... as the NC deems expedient”.

It is important to note that NA, both opposition and government, is directly associated with the executive. It must aid, oppose or question the government. This house, among others, must decide on government programmes in the annual budget form. It naturally follows that NA becomes accountable for government actions. Therefore, if the government fails and falls, the entire house is dissolved and its MPs must return to the people for their verdict. As NA is, thus, involved with the executive, there is the need for the other house, NC, to serve as an objective, apolitical house of review for the good of democracy. Its role as the house of moderation and long term vision beyond the five year interests of governments must not be compromised.

The NC cannot and must not seek direct involvement in government in the interest of its special mandate of review. It has no direct accountability to the people. For this reason, it is privileged to serve its full term even when a government falls. Questioning ministers on behalf of voters and drawing itself into the functions of the executive, is not only a violation of section 6 of its own Act but deprives our unique democratic system of its vital review mechanism.

The National Council needs to understand its mandate. It needs to function within the principles and bounds cir*****scribed by the Constitution, even though it has the capacity to do more. It must not replicate NA. Its search for a greater role to check strong governments from becoming autocratic or excessive is a noble thought but not well founded. Seeking an expanded role beyond what is prescribed by the Constitution is dangerous in itself.

No governments in Bhutan and in our unique democracy can become tyrannical or dictatorial. That is what is unique about the democracy that our Kings have bequeathed to us. Ours is an intelligent, self-correcting, holistic system within an immaculately conceived constitutional frame. With foresight, all the vital constitutional instruments of checks and balance were put in place even before the first government was elected. I list below a range of such institutional arrangements:
• The independent judiciary ensures no government body or individual can act against the law with impunity and that no one is above law.

• Constitutional bodies, namely, the Election Commission, the ACC, the Royal Audit Authority and the RCSC carry out oversight functions, ensuring that government and parties stay within rules, that they do not misuse power, privilege and public resources.

• The Public Accounts Committee of parliament, comprising both NA and NC members, check on government expenditure and performance as well.

• On the fear of human rights violations, a NA Human Rights Committee has been instituted and its effectiveness assured by electing as its chair, a member of the opposition party.

• Making rural poor victims of neglect and wrongdoing is just as impossible because of decentralisation. Further, the rural-biased 10th five-year programme bears testimony to RGoB’s commitment to social, economic and health empowerment of rural people so that they can exercise their political power responsibly and without compulsions.

• As for the possibility of doing selective favours to certain sections of people or buying votes by gifting state properties, our policy is that gifting of even a needle belonging to the state is the prerogative of the King alone, exercised in the form of Kidus for the needy.

• RGoB must mobilise development assistance on the merit of its policies and good governance. This makes the royal government fully susceptible and amenable to the scrutiny and checks of the international community.

• Keeping people in the dark and misinformed is made impossible by a media corpus that is growing in capacity, diversity and assertiveness.

• Above all, our revered monarch will never allow the worst that happens in many ‘democracies’ to ever be suffered by the Bhutanese people.

So then, even as the spectre of ‘tyranny of majority’ and the need for NC to play an expanded role is raised, our democracy is not so vulnerable and threatened by the government that the people have elected with unanimous trust. We must not undermine the capacity of our oversight mechanisms and be led to believe that, without the NC assuming further check and balance roles, the government will become authoritarian. In the making of laws, should not the role of this legislative body, which includes five eminent persons, be to provide wisdom and moderation through the process of calm and contemplative deliberations? Should it not be objectively reviewing and reporting on the actions of the government and on matters affecting the ‘the security’, ‘sovereignty’ and ‘interests of the nation and people’ as mandated by the Constitution in section 2 of Article 11?

We understand and appreciate the desire of NC members to elevate our National Council. But are we not aware that it already enjoys status as part of the highest institution in our democratic constitutional monarchy? Elevation does not come from role expansion, especially if it were to undermine good principles embedded in the Constitution. Being situated at the highest possible level, neither NA nor NC can rise any higher. We, as MPs, can only fall or remain elevated, depending on how we conduct our sacred duties and are judged by the King and people we serve.

Without demonstrating enough will for conciliation, one house has shown persistence in building issues for ‘constitutional crises’ and judicial intervention. Others are joining in to fuel public disenchantment and a thinly-veiled, first ever parliamentary walk-out has been staged in a country that has never been plagued by the ‘strike’ culture. These have not been heart-warming. When the dust settles; when reflection follows emotions and fleeting biases; when good sense prevails, such indiscretions will not earn elevation for NC and NA nor parliament.

History tells us that we Bhutanese can excel in conciliation and are rich in its traditions. We can find solutions without compromising principles and national interests. For what is beyond our wisdom and threatens to create conflict, let us exercise dignified patience. We are in a transitional period. Democracies take time to grow and mature if, at all, they do. There will be others, who will continue with the issues we cannot resolve, and causes we fail to champion. Let us have faith in our future parliamentarians.

Then again, the issues at hand are not insurmountable, they are not personal. That we are both working towards the same end, should give us inspiration. We can resolve them as long as we truly respect each other and are motivated by our loyalty and commitment to the ‘Tsa-wa Sum’ (3 elements of statehood). To do so, we need to interact, understand and trust each other. That is why, after the last session, I offered to meet and dialogue with NC any time. That is why, despite lack of response, I wrote to remind again and, together with two of my Cabinet colleagues, called on all the National Council members in an informal sitting for over 3 & half hours of free and frank exchange of views. Mutual respect, I know, will give us the will and the genius, not only to resolve such small issues, but to leave a proud legacy of a truly vibrant and unique democracy as envisioned by our beloved Kings.

The royal government is open to continue our discussion. It is not enough that we come together only during joint sessions. There will be times, often, when the government must inform the Council of developments of national importance. Likewise, the Council will need to obtain the views of the government on matters of significance that concern its members. We must meet, consult and agree or respectfully disagree. Let us find the best way to do it in the name of our King, country and people.

Source: Kuenselonline

News: married at a very young age - as early as 10 years old in Laya, Bhutan

Standing in front of her one-storied stone shed, Choden (name changed) feeds salt to her yaks in a far-flung grazing pasture of Laya.

Like any other 16-year-old girl, she desires to go to Laya and watch the tsechu on July 24. But, as she is pregnant and also with the responsibility of household chores falling on her, she cannot go.

Choden is one of many girls in Laya who married at a very young age - as early as 10 years old. “It’s not unusual. I married at 12 and stayed with my in-laws ever since,” said Choden. “My friend had her first child when she was 13.”

Most Layaps are aware that 18 years is the legal marriageable age for women in Bhutan, but they feel that the law may not be applicable to them, given their isolated and nomadic lifestyle, which is determined by a harsh mountain environment.

“We have a small community in a place, which is almost a three-day walk from the nearest road head, and we are guided by our own culture and customs,” said 55-year-old Damcho of Neylo village in Laya. The practice has been going on for so long that no one can remember how it all began.

Almost all marriages in Laya are arranged and parents say that it is to give security to their daughters. “Most marriages happen during the summer, when neighbours and relatives gather at a particular place to help each other collect grass for their yaks,” said the grandfather of a 15-year-old girl, Sonam. “Once arranged, the young wife stays at her husband’s place and looks after all domestic affairs.”

Marrying at a young age, however, has its downsides, admits an 18-year-old mother, who had her first child last year. “Many of us go through major complications while giving birth and we don’t have proper health facilities here,” she said. “I was referred to Thimphu for delivery.”

Sixteen-year-old Choden is also worried because the nearest basic health unit is a two-day walk from the grazing pastures she stays in.

When women in Laya see a female official visiting the place, they hope she is a nurse. Of the 888 people in Laya, 432 are female.

“It’s difficult to approach a male health worker during pregnancy and at other times to seek help on precautions,” said a 21-year-old mother of two children, Kinley.

But women in Laya feel that things will change with more young girls being sent to school. “They’ll be educated and independent,” said Pema, a mother of three girls.

Source: Kuenselonline

Night Hunting Life in Bhutan

It was almost dark, and we were almost to the pass, Pele la, when we rounded a corner and saw monkey sex in the road. We cheered.

Then the road curved and crept under vines and waterfalls, past camps where Indian road workers melted blacktop over open fires and smashed big rocks into little rocks with sledgehammers.

The bus was silent as we crept upward into the cooling darkness. Ugyen #1 was working the gears with one hand and the steering wheel with the other. He turned the blower on to combat the condensation that materialized with the falling temperature outside. Then he started mumbling what had to be a Buddhist mantra.

I leaned in discreetly to whisper to Sangay: “Why is Ugyen #1 praying?”

“He’s praying, la,” Sangay said.

The word “la,” in addition to meaning “mountain pass” in Dzongkha, the language of Bhutan, is also added to the ends of sentences to signal respect.

“I know he’s praying, la,” I said. “Why?”

If Sangay knew, he wasn’t saying. And now of course everybody was wondering what my hushed conversation with Sangay was about. Hoping to break the tension, I told the group a joke about a traveling Vaseline salesman.

Finally we crested the pass, with a cheer for Ugyen #1, who smiled, kept driving, and kept praying. Then he hit the brakes, coming to a halt as dark shapes emerged on the road.

Two yaks in the headlights were staring at us. Then, as if arguing over us, they started butting heads.

Ugyen #1 somehow found room enough on that narrow road to drive around the yaks. Then we were descending into Bhutan’s Phobjika Valley, where endangered black-necked cranes, who live in Tibet, spend the winter. We didn’t have to descend far, as Phobjika is a very high valley.

After days of trekking the Himalayas and talking to farmers about Bhutan’s emerging organic agriculture program, we were going to spend a rare night indoors at a hotel, followed by a morning of bird watching. I was ready to take a shower, sleep in a bed and email this column. Our lead guide, Wangda Tobgyal, of Lakhor Tours and Treks, said I could send it from Phobjika. But the phone lines were down in the valley. With no line to plug into my laptop, I couldn’t phone home.

“Tomorrow in Trongsa you can send it, la,” Wangda promised as we wolfed down some ema-datse, the fiery Bhutanese combination of chilies and cheese.

The next day we traveled back over Pele la and down a third side of the pass in this insanely folded mountain landscape. We passed a large stupa with eyes painted on it - To keep away the demons, we were told - and we promptly pulled over and ate some ema-datse. From there we descended down, down, down, more than 5,000 feet, from yaks and snow to bananas and tangerine trees.

We didn’t slow down in Trongsa.

“We’re late and they are waiting for us in Langdhel,” Wangda explained. “They have a phone line there, la.”

Langdhel is a village whose inhabitants make fabric out of nettle fibers, a program of Bhutan’s Tarayana Foundation, which had helped us organize our trip to Bhutan. The foundation tries to help poor Bhutanese villagers lift themselves out of poverty. We were visiting Langdhel to see firsthand how it works.

Arriving at dusk, we were greeted by villagers who lined up and bowed. We were ushered into a room with bamboo walls and given butter tea, sugarcane, guava and saffron rice - a huge and moving gesture of respect. Then we were given ara, a local brew that was too strong for most of us at the moment - so we gave it to a man named Robl, who happily accepted. Then we were ushered down to a bonfire for singing and dancing and more ara.

“Excuse me, Ari la,” Wangda said, “but the phone line here is down. Ugyen #2 will drive you to a nearby village where you can get a phone line.”

Sangay and Ugyen #2 and I got into Wangda’s Toyota Prad, and we went for a curvy drive through the deep dark, back up the steep road toward Trongsa.

Ugyen #2 said something to Sangay in Dzongkha.

“Excuse me sir,” said Sangay. “Do you have any condoms?”

“Uh, I do back at camp,” I said. No college study-abroad trip leader’s first-aid kit would be complete, of course, without condoms. “Why?” I asked.

“Ugyen #2 wishes to go night hunting tonight,” Sangay said.

Curves, bumps, and suddenly the lights of a small village. We stopped in front of a “General Cum Bar,” which just means “general store with a bar.” Sangay persuaded its owner to let me plug my laptop into a seriously jury-rigged tangle of wires behind the counter.

Back in Langdhel, the festivities were in full swing. Robl, I learned, was in his tent recovering from chasing a soccer ball into a nettle patch. I delivered a little package to Ugyen #2, who smiled slyly. Then I sat by the fire watching all the action unfold, feasting on a plate of ema-datse, vegetable curry, and yak intestines, all washed down with a hard-earned cup of ara. [by By Chef Boy Ari]
Source: http://www.anchoragepress.com

Zhamgang Dzong

Where Lam Zhang built a monastery in 12th century the monastery was named "Zhangang" or immeasurable mound based on the name of the founder who visited Bhutan from Zhamling in Tibet in his mission to propagate Buddhism. "Zhemgang, then called as Khengrig Namsum in olden times derived its name from Zhangang, different pronunciation changed the name into Zhemgang," the researcher at the national library said. The monastery, which was later rebuilt as a dzong in the 17thcentury had a significant role in the evolution and shaping of the history of Khengrig Namsum. It has witnessed the major events of triumphs and blunders, withstood intrigues, a sacrilegious murder and cruel jolts of nature in the history of Zhemgang.

Bhutan long and full solar eclipse

Bhutan has witness the long and full Solar Eclipse, the wonder of the world. Following are the picture collection of mine.

"The picture are my personal collection and please do not copy or use the picture in other website and papers."