Bhutan Flora and Fauna

Flora

Bhutan has a very rich species of flora ranging from altitudes as low as 200m to as high as 4000m. Over 5500 species of vascular plants have been recorded till date including 46 species of Rhododendrons and 369 species of Orchids. The Bhutan Himalayas is also important source of valuable medicinal plants used in ayurvedic medicine so much so that a National Institute of Traditional Medicine has been established at Thimphu.

Botanical Name: Meconopsis grandis Prain
Common Name: Blue Poppy
Local Name: Euitphel Metog Hoem (Dzongkha)
Distinctive Character: Flowers usually few, rich blue or purple, borne on long stalks from the uppermost leaves, or sometimes arising directly from the basal rosette of leaves. Flowers large, with commonly 4 rounded petals (sometimes as many as 9) upto 7cm in size; Stamen filament whitish. Leaves stalked, the stalk sheathing at base, with oblancoelate to oblong elliptic coarsely toothed blade 10-30 cm, covered in rufous bristles; Uppermost leaves in a false whorl from which the flowers arise. Capsule ellipsoid - oblong to 5cm;
Flowering season - Late May to July
Distribution in Bhutan: 3300-4500m. Chelela (Paro),Yelela (Thimphu), Orkhala (Trashigang), Mela (Tashiyangtse)
Info source: Flowers of the Himalaya - O. Polunin & A. Stainton; Flora / Fauna in a nutshell - RSPN

Botanical Name: Rhododendron kesangiae Long & Rushforth
Local Name: Tala (Dzongkha)
Distinctive Character: Flower rose or pink, fading to pale pink or light purple, white, 16-30 flowers in compact racemes (clusters), campanulate (bell-shaped), with dark muave nectar pouches, each flower 4-4.5 cm, 3-35.cm wide, petals 8-lobed; Leaf 20-30cm long, 10-16cm wide, broadly elliptic to almost obovate, apex rounded, base cuneate or rounded, indumentation (fine closely matted hair) beneath with very prominent lateral veins; Bark rough, grey brown.
Flowering season - April-May.
Distribution in Bhutan: 2700 - 3100m. Duchula, Talakha, Zedekha (Thimphu), Chelela (Paro), Thrumshingla, Upper Dhur Valley (Bumthang), Sengor (Mongar).
Remarks: Endemic to Bhutan, named after HRH The Queen Mother Ashi Kesang Chhoden Wangchuck; Found in undergrowth of Fir Forest;
Info Source: Wild Rhododendrons of Bhutan - R. Pradhan

Botanical Name: Rheum nobile Hook. f. & Thoms.
Common Name: The Dock
Local Name: Chhukar metog (Dzongkha)
Distinctive Character: Very striking perrenial with a stout erect stem to 1.5m and with a conical spike of large pale cream-coloured rounded bladder-like bracts concealing the flower shoots, the bracts becomin progressively smaller up the stem; Yellow-Green Flowers clustered, 2mm across, numerous in branched clusters to 6cm; Leaves leathery, rounded upto 30cm across. margins usually edged with red, leaf-stalk stout
Flowering Season: July-August
Distribution in Bhutan: 3600-5000m. Zadola, Barshong (Thimphu), Chebesa, Laya (Gasa), Dur,Melang Valleys (Bumthang), Monla (Trongsa)

Fauna

Bhutan’s outstanding biodiversity and ecosystems

The Kingdom of Bhutan is a small, landlocked nation nestled in the southern slopes of the Eastern Himalaya. To its north lies the Tibet Autonomous Region of China and to the west, south and east lies the Indian states of Sikkim, Bengal, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.

The terrain is some of the most rugged in the world, characterised by huge variations in altitiude. Within the 150 miles between the southern and northern borders, Bhutan’s elevation rises from 150 to more than 7,500 metres. This great geographical diversity combined with equally diverse climate conditions contributes to Bhutan’s outstanding range of biodiversity and ecosystems.

The tiger, one horned rhino, golden langur, clouded leopard, hispid hare and the sloth bear live in the lush tropical lowland and hardwood forests in the south. In the temperate zone, grey langur, tiger, common leopard, goral and serow are found in mixed conifer, broadleaf and pine forests. Fruit bearing trees and bamboo provide habitat for the Himalayan black bear,red panda,squirrel,sambar,wild pig and barking deer. The alpine habitats of the great Himalayan range in the north are home to the snow leopard, blue sheep,marmot, Tibetan wolf,antelope and Himalayan musk deer.

Flora and birds abound with more than 770 species of bird and 5,400 species of plants known to occur throughout the Kingdom.

Conservation significance

The Eastern Himalayas have been indentified as a global biodiversity hotspot and counted amoung the 234 globally outstanding ecoregions of the world in a comprehensive analysis of global biodiversity undertaken by WWF between 1995-97. Bhutan is seen as a model for proactive conservation initiatives. The Kingdom has recieved international acclaim for its commitment to the maintenance of its biodiversity. This is reflected in the decision to maintain at least sixty percent of the land area under forest cover, to designate more than a quarter of its territory as national parks, reserves and other protected areas, and most recently to identify a further nine percent of land area as biodiversity corridors linking the protected areas. Environmental conservation has been placed at the core of the nation’s development strategy, the middle path. It is not treated as a sector but rather as a set of concerns that must be mainstreamed in Bhutan’s overall approach to development planning and to be buttressed by the force of law.

Scientific Name: Ailures fulgens
Common Name: Red Panda / Cat Bear
Local Name: Achhu Dongkar (Dzongkha)
Physical Description: medium-sized bear-like mammal with a thick rusty to deep chestnut colored coat. The muzzle, eye patches and the fronts of the large pointed ears are white and there are broad white cheek patches. The tail is long and bushy with broad brown and ginger rings. The nose is black. It walks like a bear with forepaws pointed inwards. . It has long white whiskers and an almost cat-like face. The forepaws have an extended pad on the sole and on the first digit to assist in climbing and grasping bamboo.
Size: Head & body length - 510mm - 635mm; Shoulder Height -273mm - 283mm; Tail length - 280mm - 485mm; · Weight: 3.0kg - 6.2kgs
Diet/Food: almost exclusively eats bamboo, sometimes supplement their diet during summer with fruits including berries, blossoms, fungi, seeds, acorns, eggs, young birds, small rodents, and insects. A female red panda can eat approximately 200,000 bamboo leaves in one day. (Reid et al. 1991).Red pandas spend as much as 13 hours a day searching for and eating bamboo. Only about 25 % of the already limited energy in bamboo is extracted.
Distribution in Bhutan: 1500-4000m. Pelela (Wangdue), Thrumshingla (Bumthang), Samechu (Gasa)

Raksha Marchham

This is the dance of the Judgement of the Dead is based on the Bardo Thoedrol (Book of the Dead), a text hidden by Guru Rinpochhe and rediscoverd later by torten Karma Lingpa in the fourteenth century.

Durdag Chham

This is a dance of the Lords of the Cremation Grounds and is performed by four dancers. They all wear white costumes and white skull masks.

News: In the interest of Bhutan democracy

I consider it my duty to offer an explanation to the people on the position of the royal government in respect of the subject of non-attendance of ministers in the ‘question hour’ of the National Council. I am hopeful this will help clear the concerns and doubts surrounding the issue.

We, the members of Parliament (National Council & National Assembly), see ourselves as having been gifted to play a historic role in establishing the roots of a unique Bhutanese democracy. Our two houses fully appreciate the need to work together, even as we must often differ in the spirit and nature of a true democracy.

The non-participation of Ministers in the National Council (NC) question hour, under the present arrangement, is in the larger interest of democracy and in adherence to the spirit and principles of the Constitution. To interpret and publicise this decision as a sign of fear on the part of ministers or as a lack of esteem for NC is to be disrespectful to the ministers and to misinform the people on the intentions of the National Assembly (NA) and the Cabinet.

The position of the royal government was made clear to the NC last year. Following reasons remain valid:
• The Constitution does not require ministers to attend NC question hour sessions. That the Cabinet must report to and be answerable to NC, since it is collectively accountable to parliament, is a flawed argument. The people need to understand the truth that neither NC nor NA by itself constitutes the parliament. Parliament is comprised of three elements and includes His Majesty the King, who is the third and highest. That is why no bill passed by both houses can become an Act unless it receives Royal assent.

• The NC Act does not require a minister to answer questions. Unlike the NA Act, which states very clearly that a minister shall respond in person to questions, section 131 of the NC Act states “an interpellation requires the government (not minister) to present an opinion, either orally or in writing”. Section 136 further states: “questions of national importance shall be listed in category 1 and shall require written answers to be given.” The two Acts were passed in the same session of Parliament and these differences were made to ensure that ministers are not obligated. What the public has not been told is that the ministers have very respectfully submitted their responses to NC in writing.

• What is also not made known is that he Cabinet ministers had decided to go to NC to present personally the government bills as a mark of respect. Lyonpo Zimba, who was half way to the NC to make his presentation on the day of the first question hour, was told not to come by the NC secretariat as they had adjourned because Lyonpo Minjur had not come for question hour. Since then, the ministers have had to cancel such presentations.

All the questions sent to the ministers were very simple and related to development and administrative matters. These included: why ‘Ngenba Guzom’ government holiday had been cancelled; why Gomphu Kora was not under the administration of Trashiyangtse rabdey; human-wildlife conflict; joining of a farm road; bridge for a power tiller track, etc. Such matters are the responsibility of NA MPs, who are bound directly to the voters and belong to the house that forms the government and where the Cabinet sits. It is in the NA that ministers are specifically required by law to answer such questions. In addition, the people always submit their questions directly to NA through the Dzongkhag Tshogdes. One does not see the need to ask similar questions through another house or channel where, in any case, decisions cannot be arrived at, as in NA.

Section 6 of the NC Act states “The NC shall not be bound by voters or interest groups and shall function in a non-partisan manner in their Parliamentary work.” This means that NC is not to entertain direct requests from their constituencies, unlike their political counterpart. Our people need to know that NC members are not their direct representatives. Such questions should be forwarded to NA.

It has been suggested that, as a good will gesture, the ministers should go to the NC question hour. Three good reasons prevent them from doing so:
• Firstly, it would undermine the vital role of NC as a ‘house of review’. When NC intervenes by questioning government ministers on administrative and developmental matters, it influences or alters their actions and becomes an involved party, thereby losing objectivity and its value as a house of review.

• Secondly, it would be wrong for this government to tie future governments to a procedure that would hinder their functioning. Future governments may not be as strong as ours. Imagine Q&A sessions in the NA itself, where the ruling government has just a small majority built out of an unholy alliance among several parties from the primaries. To further subject ministers to questions on anything it does or intends to do in an NC that, in future, could become politically motivated or even inquisitorial, would make government falter.

• Then there is the third reason. It is possible that the parliamentary sessions, in future, will need to be extended beyond the current periods as bills keep piling. Ministers would then be spending their time preparing responses and running between the two houses, fearful of taking decisions with little time for real work. The NC Act states, “Question time ... shall be held such number of times...... as the NC deems expedient”.

It is important to note that NA, both opposition and government, is directly associated with the executive. It must aid, oppose or question the government. This house, among others, must decide on government programmes in the annual budget form. It naturally follows that NA becomes accountable for government actions. Therefore, if the government fails and falls, the entire house is dissolved and its MPs must return to the people for their verdict. As NA is, thus, involved with the executive, there is the need for the other house, NC, to serve as an objective, apolitical house of review for the good of democracy. Its role as the house of moderation and long term vision beyond the five year interests of governments must not be compromised.

The NC cannot and must not seek direct involvement in government in the interest of its special mandate of review. It has no direct accountability to the people. For this reason, it is privileged to serve its full term even when a government falls. Questioning ministers on behalf of voters and drawing itself into the functions of the executive, is not only a violation of section 6 of its own Act but deprives our unique democratic system of its vital review mechanism.

The National Council needs to understand its mandate. It needs to function within the principles and bounds cir*****scribed by the Constitution, even though it has the capacity to do more. It must not replicate NA. Its search for a greater role to check strong governments from becoming autocratic or excessive is a noble thought but not well founded. Seeking an expanded role beyond what is prescribed by the Constitution is dangerous in itself.

No governments in Bhutan and in our unique democracy can become tyrannical or dictatorial. That is what is unique about the democracy that our Kings have bequeathed to us. Ours is an intelligent, self-correcting, holistic system within an immaculately conceived constitutional frame. With foresight, all the vital constitutional instruments of checks and balance were put in place even before the first government was elected. I list below a range of such institutional arrangements:
• The independent judiciary ensures no government body or individual can act against the law with impunity and that no one is above law.

• Constitutional bodies, namely, the Election Commission, the ACC, the Royal Audit Authority and the RCSC carry out oversight functions, ensuring that government and parties stay within rules, that they do not misuse power, privilege and public resources.

• The Public Accounts Committee of parliament, comprising both NA and NC members, check on government expenditure and performance as well.

• On the fear of human rights violations, a NA Human Rights Committee has been instituted and its effectiveness assured by electing as its chair, a member of the opposition party.

• Making rural poor victims of neglect and wrongdoing is just as impossible because of decentralisation. Further, the rural-biased 10th five-year programme bears testimony to RGoB’s commitment to social, economic and health empowerment of rural people so that they can exercise their political power responsibly and without compulsions.

• As for the possibility of doing selective favours to certain sections of people or buying votes by gifting state properties, our policy is that gifting of even a needle belonging to the state is the prerogative of the King alone, exercised in the form of Kidus for the needy.

• RGoB must mobilise development assistance on the merit of its policies and good governance. This makes the royal government fully susceptible and amenable to the scrutiny and checks of the international community.

• Keeping people in the dark and misinformed is made impossible by a media corpus that is growing in capacity, diversity and assertiveness.

• Above all, our revered monarch will never allow the worst that happens in many ‘democracies’ to ever be suffered by the Bhutanese people.

So then, even as the spectre of ‘tyranny of majority’ and the need for NC to play an expanded role is raised, our democracy is not so vulnerable and threatened by the government that the people have elected with unanimous trust. We must not undermine the capacity of our oversight mechanisms and be led to believe that, without the NC assuming further check and balance roles, the government will become authoritarian. In the making of laws, should not the role of this legislative body, which includes five eminent persons, be to provide wisdom and moderation through the process of calm and contemplative deliberations? Should it not be objectively reviewing and reporting on the actions of the government and on matters affecting the ‘the security’, ‘sovereignty’ and ‘interests of the nation and people’ as mandated by the Constitution in section 2 of Article 11?

We understand and appreciate the desire of NC members to elevate our National Council. But are we not aware that it already enjoys status as part of the highest institution in our democratic constitutional monarchy? Elevation does not come from role expansion, especially if it were to undermine good principles embedded in the Constitution. Being situated at the highest possible level, neither NA nor NC can rise any higher. We, as MPs, can only fall or remain elevated, depending on how we conduct our sacred duties and are judged by the King and people we serve.

Without demonstrating enough will for conciliation, one house has shown persistence in building issues for ‘constitutional crises’ and judicial intervention. Others are joining in to fuel public disenchantment and a thinly-veiled, first ever parliamentary walk-out has been staged in a country that has never been plagued by the ‘strike’ culture. These have not been heart-warming. When the dust settles; when reflection follows emotions and fleeting biases; when good sense prevails, such indiscretions will not earn elevation for NC and NA nor parliament.

History tells us that we Bhutanese can excel in conciliation and are rich in its traditions. We can find solutions without compromising principles and national interests. For what is beyond our wisdom and threatens to create conflict, let us exercise dignified patience. We are in a transitional period. Democracies take time to grow and mature if, at all, they do. There will be others, who will continue with the issues we cannot resolve, and causes we fail to champion. Let us have faith in our future parliamentarians.

Then again, the issues at hand are not insurmountable, they are not personal. That we are both working towards the same end, should give us inspiration. We can resolve them as long as we truly respect each other and are motivated by our loyalty and commitment to the ‘Tsa-wa Sum’ (3 elements of statehood). To do so, we need to interact, understand and trust each other. That is why, after the last session, I offered to meet and dialogue with NC any time. That is why, despite lack of response, I wrote to remind again and, together with two of my Cabinet colleagues, called on all the National Council members in an informal sitting for over 3 & half hours of free and frank exchange of views. Mutual respect, I know, will give us the will and the genius, not only to resolve such small issues, but to leave a proud legacy of a truly vibrant and unique democracy as envisioned by our beloved Kings.

The royal government is open to continue our discussion. It is not enough that we come together only during joint sessions. There will be times, often, when the government must inform the Council of developments of national importance. Likewise, the Council will need to obtain the views of the government on matters of significance that concern its members. We must meet, consult and agree or respectfully disagree. Let us find the best way to do it in the name of our King, country and people.

Source: Kuenselonline

News: married at a very young age - as early as 10 years old in Laya, Bhutan

Standing in front of her one-storied stone shed, Choden (name changed) feeds salt to her yaks in a far-flung grazing pasture of Laya.

Like any other 16-year-old girl, she desires to go to Laya and watch the tsechu on July 24. But, as she is pregnant and also with the responsibility of household chores falling on her, she cannot go.

Choden is one of many girls in Laya who married at a very young age - as early as 10 years old. “It’s not unusual. I married at 12 and stayed with my in-laws ever since,” said Choden. “My friend had her first child when she was 13.”

Most Layaps are aware that 18 years is the legal marriageable age for women in Bhutan, but they feel that the law may not be applicable to them, given their isolated and nomadic lifestyle, which is determined by a harsh mountain environment.

“We have a small community in a place, which is almost a three-day walk from the nearest road head, and we are guided by our own culture and customs,” said 55-year-old Damcho of Neylo village in Laya. The practice has been going on for so long that no one can remember how it all began.

Almost all marriages in Laya are arranged and parents say that it is to give security to their daughters. “Most marriages happen during the summer, when neighbours and relatives gather at a particular place to help each other collect grass for their yaks,” said the grandfather of a 15-year-old girl, Sonam. “Once arranged, the young wife stays at her husband’s place and looks after all domestic affairs.”

Marrying at a young age, however, has its downsides, admits an 18-year-old mother, who had her first child last year. “Many of us go through major complications while giving birth and we don’t have proper health facilities here,” she said. “I was referred to Thimphu for delivery.”

Sixteen-year-old Choden is also worried because the nearest basic health unit is a two-day walk from the grazing pastures she stays in.

When women in Laya see a female official visiting the place, they hope she is a nurse. Of the 888 people in Laya, 432 are female.

“It’s difficult to approach a male health worker during pregnancy and at other times to seek help on precautions,” said a 21-year-old mother of two children, Kinley.

But women in Laya feel that things will change with more young girls being sent to school. “They’ll be educated and independent,” said Pema, a mother of three girls.

Source: Kuenselonline